{"id":157536,"date":"2023-09-10T09:11:01","date_gmt":"2023-09-10T07:11:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/?p=157536"},"modified":"2023-09-10T09:11:01","modified_gmt":"2023-09-10T07:11:01","slug":"instituti-italian-sanksione-vetem-per-kosoven-per-serbine-nuk-pati-as-kur-i-arrestoi-tre-police-kosovare","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/instituti-italian-sanksione-vetem-per-kosoven-per-serbine-nuk-pati-as-kur-i-arrestoi-tre-police-kosovare\/","title":{"rendered":"Instituti italian: Sanksione vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb nuk pati as kur i arrestoi tre polic\u00eb kosovar\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Instituti p\u00ebr Studime Politike Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (ISPI), nj\u00ebri nd\u00ebr institutet m\u00eb prestigjoze q\u00eb ka Italia p\u00ebr studimet e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, ka publikuar nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb rreth zhvillimeve n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe problemet mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Ky institut shkruan edhe p\u00ebr masat q\u00eb jan\u00eb marr\u00eb ndaj Kosov\u00ebs, e q\u00eb sipas k\u00ebtij instituti nj\u00eb mendim i ndar\u00eb edhe nga m\u00eb shum\u00eb se pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb deputet\u00eb evropian\u00eb, britanik\u00eb dhe amerikan\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb gushtit i d\u00ebrguan nj\u00eb let\u00ebr BE-s\u00eb, SHBA-s\u00eb dhe Britanis\u00eb s\u00eb Madhe duke i ftuar ata t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb strategjin\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p> \u201cRreziqet e nj\u00eb qasjeje t\u00eb till\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb dyfishta. Para s\u00eb gjithash, ajo l\u00eb t\u00eb pezulluar angazhimin diplomatik q\u00eb filloi me iniciativ\u00ebn franko-gjermane n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, e cila m\u00eb von\u00eb rezultoi n\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjen e Ohrit dhe, si rrjedhoj\u00eb, mbyll nj\u00eb sy ndaj q\u00ebndrimit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb rajon, ku Beogradi mbart nga nj\u00eb veprim i nd\u00ebrhyrjes politike q\u00eb synon nd\u00ebrtimin e t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs \u201cbot\u00eb serbe\u201d: nj\u00eb kryq\u00ebzim midis nj\u00eb versioni t\u00eb p\u00ebrdit\u00ebsuar t\u00eb programit nacionalist \u201cSerbia e Madhe\u201d dhe politik\u00ebs s\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs n\u00eb fqinj\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj t\u00eb quajtur \u201crusskiy mir\u201d (bota ruse)\u201d, shkruan ky institut, raporton RTKlive.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket rrezikut t\u00eb par\u00eb, Instituti p\u00ebr Studime Politike Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare vler\u00ebson se Marr\u00ebveshja e Ohrit kishte dy objektiva afatgjat\u00eb gjeopolitike: shmangien e vatrave t\u00eb tensionit mes dy vendeve dhe largimin e Serbis\u00eb nga orbita ruse, duke e afruar at\u00eb me kampin per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cNd\u00ebrsa bindja e Beogradit p\u00ebr t\u00eb miratuar sanksione kund\u00ebr Mosk\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb aktualisht edhe utopike dhe jo-konsistente p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket ndikimit t\u00eb tyre eventual ekonomik, shpresa \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn q\u00eb Serbia t\u00eb thyej\u00eb luhatjen e saj dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7are midis Rusis\u00eb dhe Bashkimit Evropian. N\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, n\u00ebse Serbia ndalon s\u00eb penguari qasjen e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb OKB dhe organizata t\u00eb tjera, aleanca politike me Rusin\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e pakuptimt\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, mungesa aktuale e barazis\u00eb diplomatike i b\u00ebn k\u00ebto objektiva t\u00eb paarritshme\u201d, shkruan ISPI.<\/p>\n<p>Instituti p\u00ebr Studime Politike Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (ISPI), shkruan se Kosov\u00ebs iu ndaluan ushtrimet ushtarake Defender Europe 23 t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga SHBA-ja, m\u00eb pas BE-ja ngriu disbursimin e fondeve derisa t\u00eb angazhohet p\u00ebr de-p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimin.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cN\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, asnj\u00eb sanksion nuk u drejtua ndaj Serbis\u00eb, madje as kur dy jav\u00eb pas trazirave n\u00eb veri, policia arrestoi tre polic\u00eb kosovar\u00eb n\u00eb zon\u00ebn kufitare mes dy vendeve\u201d, shkruan ISPI.<\/p>\n<p>Analiza e  plot\u00eb e Institutit p\u00ebr Studime Politike Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare(ISPI)<\/p>\n<p>Ballkani: n\u00ebse Per\u00ebndimi ka qasje t\u00eb gabuar ndaj dosjes kosovare.<\/p>\n<p>Ishte nj\u00eb ver\u00eb tjet\u00ebr e nxeht\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkan, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Pas dhun\u00ebs n\u00eb fund t\u00eb majit dhe tensioneve kufitare pasuese, situata \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb qet\u00ebsi t\u00eb dukshme. N\u00eb pritje t\u00eb episodit t\u00eb radh\u00ebs q\u00eb do ta b\u00ebj\u00eb pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs t\u00eb frik\u00ebsohet se nj\u00eb luft\u00eb e re do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrthej\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkan. Nj\u00eb hipotez\u00eb, megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrjashtuar, p\u00ebr disa arsye: mungesa e burimeve dhe buxheteve ushtarake, por mbi t\u00eb gjitha parregullsit\u00eb politike. Beogradi dhe Prishtina kan\u00eb nj\u00eb avantazh t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb politik n\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin e vazhduesh\u00ebm t\u00eb luft\u00ebs: frika nga armiku i vjet\u00ebr ndihmon n\u00eb forcimin e dy lidershipeve m\u00eb shum\u00eb se \u00e7do marr\u00ebveshje apo negociat\u00eb. E cila \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb aty, por ju nuk mund ta shihni at\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p> Marr\u00ebveshja e Ohrit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00eb kurr\u00eb seriozisht nga asnj\u00ebra pal\u00eb. Pa n\u00ebnshkrim dhe protokolle diplomatike, teksti fillimisht u pranua n\u00eb fund t\u00eb shkurtit n\u00eb Bruksel dhe m\u00eb 18 mars u integrua n\u00eb aneksin e zbatimit n\u00eb qytetin maqedonas. Bazuar n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen q\u00eb normalizoi marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes dy Gjermanive n\u00eb vitin 1972, mir\u00ebkuptimi p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga 11 nene dhe i \u00e7on pal\u00ebt n\u00eb nj\u00eb njohje reciproke faktike, pa e p\u00ebrmendur kurr\u00eb at\u00eb hapur. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, nd\u00ebrsa Prishtina zotohet t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb organin vet\u00ebqeveris\u00ebs p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs \u2013 at\u00eb q\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjet e Brukselit t\u00eb vitit 2013 e quajn\u00eb Asociacioni\/Bashk\u00ebsia e Komunave Serbe (ASM) \u2013 Beogradi heq dor\u00eb nga bojkotimi i kandidaturave t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb organizmat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n<p>Angazhime q\u00eb deri m\u00eb sot nuk jan\u00eb respektuar. N\u00ebse n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb ende nuk ka konsensus, as angazhim real politik, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb statut q\u00eb p\u00ebrcakton dhe rregullon ASM-n\u00eb, n\u00eb Beograd duket se nuk ka synim p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrprer\u00eb fushat\u00ebn diplomatike kund\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb organizatat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb muaj pas Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit, Serbia votoi kund\u00ebr pranimit t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Evrop\u00ebs (KiE). Dhe nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtim real p\u00ebr zbatimin mungon edhe nga shtetet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian, ku nj\u00eb mosp\u00ebrputhje formale vazhdon p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pes\u00eb vendeve q\u00eb nuk e njohin Kosov\u00ebn, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Sllovakin\u00eb dhe Spanj\u00ebn, t\u00eb cilat megjithat\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht t\u00eb d\u00ebrguarin special p\u00ebr dialogun nd\u00ebrmjet Beogradi dhe Prishtina, Miroslav Laj\u00e7ak dhe P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesi i Lart\u00eb i BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme, Josep Borrell. S\u00eb bashku me Serbin\u00eb, Spanja dhe tre vende t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb \u2013 Qiproja, Rumania dhe Hungaria \u2013 gjithashtu votuan kund\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb KiE.<\/p>\n<p> Ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb befasuese, megjithat\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aq shum\u00eb se shtetet individuale t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb nuk e ndryshojn\u00eb politik\u00ebn e tyre ndaj sovranitetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por qasja e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt e Komisionit Evropian dhe Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara.<\/p>\n<p>Pas dhun\u00ebs kund\u00ebr ushtris\u00eb s\u00eb KFOR-it n\u00eb fund t\u00eb majit, kur vendosja e kryetar\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb kat\u00ebr komunat e veriut t\u00ebK Kosov\u00ebs shkaktoi reagimin serb, si Brukseli ashtu edhe Uashingtoni sanksionuan qeverin\u00eb kosovare, e shpall\u00ebn fajtore p\u00ebr provokimin q\u00eb \u00e7oi n\u00eb p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzim, nj\u00eb veprim i vendosur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur pa informuar partner\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb. Kosov\u00ebs fillimisht iu ndalua nga ushtrimet ushtarake Defender Europe 23 t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga SHBA-ja, m\u00eb pas BE-ja ngriu disbursimin e fondeve derisa t\u00eb angazhohet p\u00ebr de-p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimin. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, asnj\u00eb sanksion nuk u drejtua ndaj Serbis\u00eb, madje as kur dy jav\u00eb pas trazirave n\u00eb veri, policia arrestoi tre polic\u00eb kosovar\u00eb n\u00eb zon\u00ebn kufitare mes dy vendeve.<\/p>\n<p>Pra, nj\u00eb qasje shum\u00eb e zhbalancuar, e cila prek ekzekutivin e udh\u00ebhequr nga Albin Kurti dhe, indirekt, favorizon agjend\u00ebn e presidentit serb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7iq. Nj\u00eb mendim i ndar\u00eb edhe nga m\u00eb shum\u00eb se pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb deputet\u00eb evropian\u00eb, britanik\u00eb dhe amerikan\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb gushtit i d\u00ebrguan nj\u00eb let\u00ebr BE-s\u00eb, SHBA-s\u00eb dhe Britanis\u00eb s\u00eb Madhe duke i ftuar ata t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb strategjin\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr dosjen e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Rreziqet e nj\u00eb qasjeje t\u00eb till\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb dyfishta. Para s\u00eb gjithash, ajo l\u00eb t\u00eb pezulluar angazhimin diplomatik q\u00eb filloi me iniciativ\u00ebn franko-gjermane n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, e cila m\u00eb von\u00eb rezultoi n\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjen e Ohrit dhe, si rrjedhoj\u00eb, mbyll nj\u00eb sy ndaj q\u00ebndrimit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb rajon, ku Beogradi mbart nga nj\u00eb veprim i nd\u00ebrhyrjes politike q\u00eb synon nd\u00ebrtimin e t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs \u201cbot\u00eb serbe\u201d: nj\u00eb kryq\u00ebzim midis nj\u00eb versioni t\u00eb p\u00ebrdit\u00ebsuar t\u00eb programit nacionalist \u201cSerbia e Madhe\u201d dhe politik\u00ebs s\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs n\u00eb fqinj\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj t\u00eb quajtur \u201crusskiy mir\u201d (bota ruse).<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket rrezikut t\u00eb par\u00eb, Marr\u00ebveshja e Ohrit kishte dy objektiva afatgjat\u00eb gjeopolitike: shmangien e vatrave t\u00eb tensionit mes dy vendeve dhe largimin e Serbis\u00eb nga orbita ruse, duke e afruar at\u00eb me kampin per\u00ebndimor. Nd\u00ebrsa bindja e Beogradit p\u00ebr t\u00eb miratuar sanksione kund\u00ebr Mosk\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb aktualisht edhe utopike dhe jokonsistente p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket ndikimit t\u00eb tyre eventual ekonomik, shpresa \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn q\u00eb Serbia t\u00eb thyej\u00eb luhatjen e saj dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7are midis Rusis\u00eb dhe Bashkimit Evropian. N\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, n\u00ebse Serbia ndalon s\u00eb penguari qasjen e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb OKB dhe organizata t\u00eb tjera, aleanca politike me Rusin\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e pakuptimt\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, mungesa aktuale e barazis\u00eb diplomatike i b\u00ebn k\u00ebto objektiva t\u00eb paarritshme.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket rrezikut t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, l\u00ebnia e fush\u00ebs s\u00eb lir\u00eb p\u00ebr axhend\u00ebn rajonale t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb s\u00eb Vu\u00e7iqit \u2013 qeverit\u00eb e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs kan\u00eb g\u00ebzuar gjithmon\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e kancelarive dhe institucioneve kryesore per\u00ebndimore, duke kontribuar n\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajturat \u201cstabilitokraci\u201d \u2013 do t\u00eb thot\u00eb mbi t\u00eb gjitha minim i procesit t\u00eb dialogut dhe normalizimit shum\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshiruar nd\u00ebrmjet Beogradit dhe Prishtin\u00ebs. Dhe, p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, rrezikojn\u00eb m\u00eb tej stabilitetin politik t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb rajonit t\u00eb Ballkanit. Edhe pse Vu\u00e7iq rregullisht p\u00ebrdor nj\u00eb retorik\u00eb me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ai promovon veten si garantues i paqes dhe stabilitetit rajonal, q\u00ebndrimi ndaj atyre vendeve t\u00eb ish-Jugosllavis\u00eb me nj\u00eb pakic\u00eb t\u00eb madhe serbe synon t\u00eb destabilizoj\u00eb qeverit\u00eb lokale. Nj\u00eb rast q\u00eb n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs merr form\u00ebn e List\u00ebs Serbe, partia kryesore serbo-kosovare e cila megjithat\u00eb i p\u00ebrgjigjet ekskluzivisht d\u00ebshirave t\u00eb Beogradit.<\/p>\n<p> N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme jav\u00ebt e fundit fenomeni mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehet edhe n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi. N\u00eb Podgoric\u00eb, qeveria e tret\u00eb po lind pa partin\u00eb e ish-presidentit Milo Gjukanovi\u00e7 \u2013 i cili u transferua n\u00eb opozit\u00eb n\u00eb 2020 pas tridhjet\u00eb vjet dominimi pothuajse t\u00eb pakund\u00ebrshtuesh\u00ebm \u2013 dhe ekzekutivi q\u00eb do t\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqet nga centristi Milojko Spaji\u00e7 nuk duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb partit\u00eb filo-serbe. Nj\u00eb eventualitet q\u00eb shkaktoi frik\u00ebsimin politik t\u00eb Beogradit. Dy jav\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, ministri i Mbrojtjes Milos Vu\u00e7evi\u00e7 k\u00ebrc\u00ebnoi Malin e Zi (dhe Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut) n\u00eb televizionin komb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr njohjen e Kosov\u00ebs: \u201cNj\u00eb gabim q\u00eb do t\u00eb rezultoj\u00eb mbrapsht, pik\u00ebrisht si\u00e7 ndodhi n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb,\u201d tha Vu\u00e7evi\u00e7 p\u00ebr transmetuesin pro-qeveritar Pink. Edhe n\u00ebse njohja e Kosov\u00ebs daton q\u00eb nga viti 2008, tani vjen k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi p\u00ebr vendin e NATO-s se ekzekutivi malazez duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtoj\u00eb figurat politike t\u00eb af\u00ebrta me presidentin serb dhe t\u00eb cil\u00ebt gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs elektorale premtuan se, me ta n\u00eb qeveri, Mali i Zi do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqte njohjen ndaj Prishtin\u00ebs dhe do t\u00eb ishte larguar nga Aleanca Atlantike.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cBota serbe\u201d \u2013 nj\u00eb fraz\u00eb e krijuar nga ish-ministri i Brendsh\u00ebm dhe tani kreu i Sh\u00ebrbimit Sekret Aleksandar Vulin \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht kjo: nj\u00eb aparat retorik q\u00eb synon t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnoj\u00eb shtetet fqinje, kursin politik t\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebve qeveria serbe synon t\u2019i ndikoj\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorim dhe konsum t\u00eb saj. Jo nj\u00eb program politik i mb\u00ebshtetur nga nj\u00eb buxhet lufte si\u00e7 ishte n\u00eb vitet 1990, por nj\u00eb stok nacionalist q\u00eb r\u00ebndon shum\u00eb mbi marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet delikate rajonale, si dhe mbi proceset e pajtimit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm. Nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim q\u00eb n\u00eb vitet e fundit ka leht\u00ebsuar l\u00ebvizjet secesioniste t\u00eb serb\u00ebve t\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs t\u00eb prorusit Milorad Dodik, i cili qershorin e kaluar promovoi nj\u00eb ligj p\u00ebr t\u00eb pavlefsh\u00ebm vendimet e gjykat\u00ebs kushtetuese t\u00eb Bosnje-Hercegovin\u00ebs n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizohet si \u201cndarje ligjore\u201d e Republika Srpska (nj\u00eb nga dy entitetet q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb vendin).<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj, nj\u00eb zhbalancim diplomatik nga per\u00ebndimi n\u00eb dosjen kosovare do t\u2019i jepte legjitimitet t\u00eb m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm nj\u00eb politike serbe q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb autoritare brenda vendit dhe destabilizuese n\u00eb vendet fqinje.<\/p>\n<p> Megjith\u00ebse ndikimi rus n\u00eb Serbi v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehet n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje aktive ushtarake, kjo nuk p\u00ebrjashton mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb Beogradi t\u00eb mos vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb importoj\u00eb modelin e tij politik nga Moska, i p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga autokracia e brendshme dhe agresiviteti rajonal. Nj\u00eb model i cili n\u00eb Ballkan ndoshta nuk do t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb luft\u00ebra t\u00eb hapura, por q\u00eb do t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb gjall\u00eb nj\u00eb tension t\u00eb fsheht\u00eb t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm mbi ekuilibrin tashm\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurt etno-politik.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Instituti p\u00ebr Studime Politike Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (ISPI), nj\u00ebri nd\u00ebr institutet m\u00eb prestigjoze q\u00eb ka Italia p\u00ebr studimet e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, ka publikuar nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb rreth zhvillimeve n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe problemet mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Ky institut shkruan edhe p\u00ebr masat q\u00eb jan\u00eb marr\u00eb ndaj Kosov\u00ebs, e q\u00eb sipas k\u00ebtij instituti nj\u00eb mendim [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":157537,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-157536","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-lajme"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/157536","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=157536"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/157536\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/157537"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=157536"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=157536"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=157536"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}