Shkruan: Arb\u00ebr Ramadani<\/p>\n
Pushteti, ka qen\u00eb dhe vazhdon t\u00eb mbetet nd\u00ebr motivet, m\u00eb t\u00eb trajtuara n\u00eb filozofi.
\nN\u00eb momentin e par\u00eb pasi ta kemi d\u00ebgjuar fjal\u00ebn “pushtet”, neve na shfaqen p\u00ebrftyrime t\u00eb tilla si: “dominimi”, “kontrolla” dhe “fuqia” e nj\u00eb njeriu, grupi, klase, shtrese, partie apo organizate mbi njer\u00ebzit e tjer\u00eb.
\nFilozof\u00ebt dhe mendimtar\u00ebt e t\u00eb gjitha koh\u00ebrave u munduan q\u00eb permes motivit p\u00ebr pushtet, t’i jepnin pergjigje shum\u00eb pyetjeve, q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithesi me “sjelljen” e njeriut ne shoq\u00ebri.
\nN\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim tonin p\u00ebr rrug\u00ebn drejt pushtetit, ne do ta trajtojm\u00eb p\u00ebr aq sa mundemi, form\u00ebn politike t\u00eb pushtetit.
\nPushteti politik, mbase \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj sh\u00ebmb\u00eblltyre e kuptimit t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb pushtetit si koncept.
\nAty ne mund ta shohim se si disa njer\u00ebz e fitojn\u00eb fuqin\u00eb, mekanizmin shtet\u00ebror, infrastruktur\u00ebn e nevojshme, q\u00eb m\u00eb pas e p\u00ebrdorin “p\u00ebr” dhe “kund\u00ebr” njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb.
\nZakonisht n\u00eb fillim “grupi i njer\u00ebzve”, partia, l\u00ebvizja, lidhja, quajeni si t\u00eb doni nisen me ide, parime, maksima aq t\u00eb larta e t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta, por q\u00eb m\u00eb pas, gjat\u00eb rrug\u00ebs takohen me mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb shumta, t\u00eb llojllojshme q\u00eb ofron pushteti, dhe e shohim se si shnd\u00ebrrohen vlerat, se si ata biejn\u00eb “pre” e k\u00ebnaqjes s\u00eb apetiteve, egove, dhe instikteve m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebta njer\u00ebzore.
\nSe si gjat\u00eb mbajtj\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtetit, gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb largohen ndjenjat ndaj atij q\u00eb nuk e njeh, dhe se si vihet n\u00eb pah p\u00ebrfitimi material dhe k\u00ebnaqja e t\u00eb “af\u00ebrmit” apo forcimi p\u00ebrher\u00eb e m\u00eb i madh i ndjenjave (qe shkon paralel me k\u00ebnaqjen e d\u00ebshirave) ndaj t\u00eb af\u00ebrmit, atij q\u00eb e njeh.
\nPor, si arrihet deri tek majat e ketij\u00eb pushteti, kaq t\u00eb d\u00ebshiruesh\u00ebm?
\nP\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar pushtet politik, “grupet e njer\u00ebzve”, pra partit\u00eb, fillimisht duhet t\u00eb ken\u00eb kauz\u00eb, q\u00ebllim, moto.
\nNj\u00eb lloj narracioni p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn, mbi t\u00eb shkuaren t\u00eb tashmen dhe t\u00eb ardhmen e popullit ku synohet ushtrimi i pushtetit.
\nN\u00eb Kosov\u00eb pushtetin politik e synuan, fituan, p\u00ebrdor\u00ebn e keqp\u00ebrdor\u00ebn, k\u00ebto parti politike, me k\u00ebto kauza:
\n1. Ne kemi luftuar, ne e meritojm\u00eb pushtetin, sepse ne e duam vendin (m\u00eb shum\u00eb, se ju tjer\u00ebt). U\u00c7K= PDK? (m\u00eb von\u00eb AAK & NISMA).
\n2. T’i mbrojm\u00eb, kultivojm\u00eb, mir\u00eb-mbajm\u00eb raportet dhe miq\u00ebsin\u00eb me Shtetet e Baskuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb e doni Amerik\u00ebn (ne e duam m\u00eb shum\u00eb se ju, sepse ne i kemi krijuar k\u00ebto raporte) Amerika na don vet\u00ebm ne, andaj neve na takon pushteti. LDK=Ibrahim Rugova?
\n3. Ne duam bashkim me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb (t\u00eb gjith\u00eb e doni, por ne e duam m\u00eb shum\u00eb, sepse e kemi n\u00eb program dhe nuk e kemi votuar pakon e Ahtisaarit), andaj neve na takon pushteti. LVV=Rilindasit?
\nD\u00ebshifrim: K\u00ebto jan\u00eb tri \u201cmotive\u201d t\u00eb cilat u p\u00ebrdor\u00ebn nga t\u00eb gjitha partit\u00eb politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.
\nAto e identifikuan vet\u00ebn me k\u00ebto vlera, me k\u00ebto t\u00eb \u201cv\u00ebrteta\u201d, q\u00eb zat\u00ebn n\u00eb pik\u00ebnisje kishin sens secila prej tyre.
\nShoq\u00ebria, qytetar\u00ebt, votuesit e pranuan secil\u00ebn nga k\u00ebto t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta, ashtu sic ua servuan; ndaras nga nj\u00ebra-tjetra.
\nPartit\u00eb politike u kujdesen q\u00eb shpjegimet n\u00eb lidhje me k\u00ebto tri \u201ckoncepte\u201d (secila) t\u2019a p\u00ebrjashtonin, nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn. Me q\u00ebllim rritjen dhe zgjerimin e partis\u00eb.
\nQ\u00ebllimi ishte t\u00eb ndahej populli, p\u00ebrmes k\u00ebtyre “identiteteve”, k\u00ebtyre narracioneve p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb tashm\u00ebn e m\u00eb pak t\u00eb ardhmen, pra: “populli i partis\u00eb ton\u00eb” dhe “populli i partis\u00eb tjet\u00ebr”, q\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, t’a besojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebrin narracion, q\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht duhej t’a p\u00ebrjashtonte, narracionin e partis\u00eb tjet\u00ebr.
\nNjer\u00ebzit, posht\u00eb dhe larg “loj\u00ebrave” t\u00eb pushtetit, n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb platformave t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta, konkrete politike, munges\u00ebs s\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies, munges\u00ebs s\u00eb edukimit t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn, entuziazmit post-\u00e7lirim, dhe shum\u00eb faktor\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, krijuan \u201ciluzionet\u201d e tyre n\u00eb raport me idet\u00eb, l\u00ebvizjet, lidhjet, grupet, partit\u00eb, bile edhe deri tek m\u00eb “tipikja” p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb keqedukuar, krijimit t\u00eb “kultit” t\u00eb individit.
\nN\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb primitive, shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb n\u00eb tranzicione t\u00eb gjata (me tranzicion kuptohet hap\u00ebsira kohore e kalimit nga nj\u00eb “faz\u00eb” n\u00eb tjetr\u00ebn, por kur kjo hap\u00ebsir\u00eb kohore, zgjatet e zgjatet, nuk e di n\u00ebse ka kuptim t\u00eb quhet tranzicion apo kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me “faz\u00eb” n\u00eb vete?) \u00ebsht\u00eb tipike, shfaqja dhe m\u00eb pas “mir\u00ebmbajtja” e lloj-lloj anomalive n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, q\u00eb m\u00eb pas p\u00ebrdor\u00ebn e keqp\u00ebrdor\u00ebn nga ata q\u00eb i “mir\u00ebmbajn\u00eb” e “ushqejn\u00eb” t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat. Ato perdoren si form\u00eb e leht\u00ebsimit t\u00eb kontrollit.
\nNd\u00ebr anomalit\u00eb tipike, q\u00eb ka qen\u00eb dhe vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb prezente tek votuesi kosovar\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb logjika e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs absolute, keqlidhja n\u00eb mes “besimit tim” dhe “perjashtimit t\u00ebnd”
\nSi duket kjo anomali?
\nKonceptin, iden\u00eb, partin\u00eb ose individin q\u00eb “besoj” un\u00eb, (domosdoshm\u00ebrisht) e p\u00ebrjashton konceptin, iden\u00eb, partin\u00eb ose individin q\u00eb “beson” ti.
\nPik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu krijohet hap\u00ebsira ideale e manovrimit p\u00ebr partit\u00eb, “mir\u00ebmbajtja” e anomalive, shfaqja e populizmit si mbidoz\u00eb.
\nN\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb b\u00ebhen t\u00eb gjitha ndarjet dhe n\u00ebn-ndarjet e “nevojshme”, p\u00ebr mbajtje n\u00ebn kontroll\u00eb t\u00eb elektorateve.
\nSepse partia ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr “armiq”.
\nSepse n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb “armikut”, njeriu \u00ebsht\u00eb i prir\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb lirin\u00eb pozitive, kualitative, ta b\u00ebj\u00eb kap\u00ebrcimin prej “lirs\u00eb nga” tek “liria drejt”, por p\u00ebr partit\u00eb “liria nga” \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e thjesht\u00eb, m\u00eb leht\u00eb e menaxhueshme, m\u00eb e p\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr mir\u00ebmbajtjen e pushtetit.
\nSepse krijohen mundesit\u00eb, p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e “autoritetit irracional” q\u00eb p\u00ebr parakusht kan\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb frik\u00ebn dhe n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr pushtetin.
\nSepse armiku;
\nSepse frika;
\nSepse zgjidhja;
\nSepse partia.
\nLe t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr aspektet tjera, t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si fitohet, mbahet dhe p\u00ebrdoret pushteti.
\nSecila nga partit\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb “infrastruktur\u00eb” n\u00eb vete.
\nNd\u00ebr segmentet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre “infrastrukturave” jan\u00eb “orator\u00ebt e partis\u00eb”.
\nCili \u00ebsht\u00eb roli i tyre?
\nK\u00ebta kan\u00eb p\u00ebr obligim t’a bindin, drejtojn\u00eb, kthejn\u00eb, ribindin, ridrejtojn\u00eb, rikthejn\u00eb elektoratin n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb partis\u00eb (kujdes: esenca \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb bindesh, t\u00eb besosh se kjo po ndodh\u00eb p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb shtetit).
\nK\u00ebtu zakonisht provokohet ndjenja e p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb komb\u00ebtare, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimin, besimin, dashurin\u00eb, besnik\u00ebrin\u00eb q\u00eb e manifeston n\u00eb raport me partin\u00eb, nga “orator\u00ebt e partis\u00eb” t\u00eb kamuflohet si sh\u00ebrbim, besim, dashuri, besnik\u00ebri n\u00eb raport me shtetin.
\nPrandaj, t\u00eb votosh parti t\u00eb ndryshme, ne zgjedhje t\u00eb ndryshme, sipas “orator\u00ebve te partise” \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb proporcion n\u00eb mos m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb, se sa ndryshimi i shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb. Q\u00ebllimi \u00ebsht\u00eb sigurimi i vot\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrjetshme p\u00ebr partin\u00eb.
\nNj\u00eb element tjet\u00ebr i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm drejt “kontrollit” t\u00eb elektoratit \u00ebsht\u00eb aspekti “moral”. Do t\u00eb ndalemi vet\u00ebm shkarazi, sepse politika dhe lidhja e saj me moralin \u00ebsht\u00eb “shkenc\u00eb n\u00eb vete”.
\nKur nje parti arrin\u00eb ta bind\u00eb votuesin se partia e tyre e reprezenton t\u00eb mir\u00ebn. Pra, e idenentifikojn\u00eb vet\u00ebn me t\u00eb miren. Kurse partit\u00eb tjera i identifikojne me t\u00eb keqen. K\u00ebshtu provokohet ndjenja e nj\u00eb lloj\u00eb satisfaksioni t\u00eb rrejsh\u00ebm, nd\u00ebrmjet p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb politike t\u00eb votuesit dhe kuptimit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb vendin ku jeton.
\nSepse votuesi, ndjehet “i mir\u00eb” nga fakti se \u00ebsht\u00eb votues i “X” partis\u00eb, kurse e identifikon si “t\u00eb keq” e identifikon me “t\u00eb keq\u00ebn” p\u00ebrsonin q\u00eb e voton “Y” partin\u00eb.
\nPra, promovohet ndarja klasike, ndarja jo e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, ndarja m\u00eb e g\u00ebnjesht\u00ebrt; T\u00cb MIR\u00cbT kund\u00ebr T\u00cb K\u00cbQINJVE!
\nSikur n\u00eb p\u00ebrralla!
\nKaq thjesht\u00eb manipulohet!
\nSepse kaq thjesht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb “manovrohet” me bot\u00ebkuptimin e njeriut, rrjedhimisht shoqeris\u00eb q\u00eb nuk lexon, nuk hulumton, nuk edukohet, nuk mendon, nuk futet n\u00eb komplicitetin e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs. Sepse po t\u00eb lexonin, do t\u00eb gjenin se shum\u00eb “dijetar\u00eb” m\u00eb par\u00eb, na fol\u00ebn p\u00ebr k\u00ebto koncepte, madje disa prej tyre na sygjeruan, se ka koncepte edhe “p\u00ebrtej t\u00eb mir\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb keq\u00ebs”.
\nKot.
\nNuk i b\u00ebhet von\u00eb per koncepte filozofike, prodhimit m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb mund ta lindte shoq\u00ebria: “tifozit”, “ultrasit” t\u00eb partis\u00eb.
\n“Partit\u00eb e tjera, nuk e kan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb shpjegimin e tyre, e kan\u00eb p\u00ebr pushtet” thot\u00eb Ai, “kurse partia jon\u00eb e ka program p\u00ebrmbajt\u00ebsor\u00eb” vazhdon “ultrasi”, duke ofruar \u201cfakte\u201d e narracione nga m\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshmet.
\nPor slloganet e k\u00ebtyre partive n\u00eb fakt nuk jan\u00eb fare platforma politike, as ofert\u00eb permbajt\u00ebsore.
\nAto jane asgj\u00eb m\u00eb pak se iluzione t\u00eb \u00e7oroditura, t\u00eb shkruara e n\u00ebnshkruara vet\u00ebm per konsum partiak.
\nK\u00ebto postulate partiake, testin e s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs e humbin, e braktisin, pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb momentin kur supozohet se \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe kuptimi dhe funksioni i ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre, kur duhej t\u00eb viheshin n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim, pra, porsa t’a fitojn\u00eb pushtetin.
\nKjo v\u00ebrehet fare leht\u00eb, krejt sheshazi, nj\u00eb hap para marrj\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtetit: tek negociatat p\u00ebr koalicione.
\nS\u00eb paku tek negociatat p\u00ebr pushtet mund ta shihni t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn e seciles parti;
\nS\u00eb paku aty, e keni rastin t\u00eb distancoheni, t’a b\u00ebni dallimin n\u00eb mes asaj q\u00eb ju e besoni dhe asaj q\u00eb ata e negociojn\u00eb.
\nAsnj\u00eb koordinim rreth slloganeve “ekzistenciale” t\u00eb tyre;
\nAsnj\u00eb mosmarr\u00ebveshje programore;
\nAsnj\u00eb dallim i vertet\u00eb; As politik, as moral e as ideologjik.
\nDallimet e krer\u00ebve t\u00eb partive nisen e p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb ndarjen e pushtetit.
\nPra, ekziston nj\u00eb moment kur votuesit e dy (ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb) partive q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb koalicion, e harrojn\u00eb dallimin e partis\u00eb s\u00eb tij, me partin\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, keqlidhjen n\u00eb mes “besimit” t\u00eb tij dhe “perjashtimit” t\u00eb tjetrit, dhe me naivitet bindet q\u00eb partia p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn b\u00ebn\u00eb \u201ctifo\u201d ai, tash ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u2019a ndryshoj\u00eb kauzen, ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t’a, nd\u00ebrroj\u00eb narracionin (p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht), derisa njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb partis\u00eb t’a shijojn\u00eb e st\u00ebr-shijojn\u00eb pushtetin.
\nPushtet ky i fituar me nj\u00ebren nga k\u00ebto tri kauza;
\n1. Ne kemi luftuar, ne e meritojm\u00eb pushtetin, sepse ne e duam vendin (m\u00eb shum\u00eb, se ju tjer\u00ebt). U\u00c7K= PDK? (m\u00eb von\u00eb AAK & NISMA).
\n2. T’i mbrojm\u00eb, kultivojm\u00eb, mir\u00eb-mbajm\u00eb raportet dhe miq\u00ebsin\u00eb me Shtetet e Baskuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb e doni Amerik\u00ebn (ne e duam m\u00eb shum\u00eb se ju, sepse ne i kemi krijuar k\u00ebto raporte) Amerika na don vet\u00ebm ne, andaj neve na takon pushteti. LDK=Ibrahim Rugova?
\n3. Ne duam bashkim me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb (t\u00eb gjith\u00eb e doni, por ne e duam m\u00eb shum\u00eb, sepse e kemi n\u00eb program dhe nuk e kemi votuar pakon e Ahtisaarit), andaj neve na takon pushteti. LVV=Rilindasit?
\nP\u00ebr shp\u00ebrputhjen e k\u00ebtyre “maksimave” me p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e tyre, n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij v\u00ebshtrimi mbi \u201crrug\u00ebn drejt pushtetit\u201d.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Shkruan: Arb\u00ebr Ramadani Pushteti, ka qen\u00eb dhe vazhdon t\u00eb mbetet nd\u00ebr motivet, m\u00eb t\u00eb trajtuara n\u00eb filozofi. N\u00eb momentin e par\u00eb pasi ta kemi d\u00ebgjuar fjal\u00ebn “pushtet”, neve na shfaqen p\u00ebrftyrime t\u00eb tilla si: “dominimi”, “kontrolla” dhe “fuqia” e nj\u00eb njeriu, grupi, klase, shtrese, partie apo organizate mbi njer\u00ebzit e tjer\u00eb. Filozof\u00ebt dhe mendimtar\u00ebt e […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":69392,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-69391","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-lajme"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/69391","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=69391"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/69391\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/69392"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=69391"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=69391"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiostargjilan.com\/web\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=69391"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}